The late US vice-president Dick Cheney, who died at the age of 84, was regarded as arguably the most influential occupants of that position in the nation's history. While many VPs had to settle for marginal or symbolic roles, Cheney exercised enormous influence during the term of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was commonly called as the "actual president".
Bush resented that description and claimed the connection was more complicated. He pointed out that Cheney was respectful, invariably calling him in public as the President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush challenged even characterisations of their relationship as a collaboration because it suggested that they were on equal footing. Regardless of these denials, Cheney viewed the easygoing president pliable on a wide array of administrative determinations.
The Aftermath of 9/11
In charge of a contingent of neo-cons that included defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and Pentagon second-in-command Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 attack, Bush had been participating in a session at a educational institution in Florida. While Bush headed for a underground facility in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, commanding the shooting down of any unidentified aircraft heading toward the government building.
Cheney said the attacks altered his perspective, leading him to become focused on retribution. In conjunction with other neo-cons, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he campaigned for a occupation of Afghanistan in an attempt to capture Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the military action of Iraq, although there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein playing a role.
Disputed Policies
He voiced no apologies about the military campaign, in which an reckoned 100,000 Iraqis lost their lives, nor about the harsh treatment of individuals rounded up after 9/11. He stated to CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was predicated on misleading intelligence circulated by Cheney, was the right decision. "It represented the correct action to do at that time. I believed it then and I believe it today."
Yet even then, there were contrary opinions at a senior level about the poor management of Iraq. One of the government's own delegates to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not reappointed from the post. "I saw, at the very least," he wrote later "true dereliction, inaction, and recklessness: in the worst case, deception, ineptitude, and graft."
Wider Perspective
Cheney was not completely responsible for the Iraq invasion. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had called for such action. He had drafted a memo setting out situations in which US concerns might be endangered (encompassing "obtaining crucial commodities, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had asserted that "America should be prepared to operate alone when joint efforts cannot be orchestrated," specifically mentioning defense operations against Iraq.
Bush too had entered the Oval Office somewhat determined on carrying out what his father had specifically avoided to do in 1991; overthrow Saddam. Subsequent to he had been fired by the administration, the finance chief Paul O'Neill recounted how, at the initial gathering of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his plan of reducing America's engagement in the Middle East dispute and suggested defense operations against Iraq.
Bush carried a private grievance against Saddam, convinced he had been behind a scheme to assassinate his parent, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He furthermore disliked that one of the largest establishments in Baghdad had a surface artwork with a likeness of his predecessor's face that each person had to walk over.
Questioning Techniques
Yet it was Cheney who was among the most vehement advocating striking Iraq, frequently quoting information documents that were both insubstantial or entirely deceptive. He backed what the Bush government politely called as "intensive questioning", the application of interrogation method and torture.
Addressing a Senate report in 2014 that concluded that no useful information had come from the torture, Cheney disregarded the findings as "riddled with crap". He told Fox News: "We instructed [the CIA] to establish protocols and put in place procedures to apprehend the individuals who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it was not repeated. That's exactly what they did and they earn a lot of recognition."
Public Image
Cheney reveled in monikers given to him by opponents such as the Star Wars villain and the dark figure, and by the idea that he was a shadow power directing Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 publication about the two, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Do I represent the malevolent mastermind in the corner that remains unseen emerge from his domain? It's a effective way to function, in fact."
Business Interests
Controversy over his commercial relationships pursued him throughout his time as second-in-command. Although he had limited background in corporate affairs but strong connections in security, especially in Saudi Arabia, he was offered a position at Halliburton, one of the world's largest energy companies, in 1995 as leader and CEO.
In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's election partner for the executive branch. Debatably, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was given US agreements totaling substantial sums.
It greatly increased his wealth. His yearly compensation during his tenure at the corporation grew from his previous salary while military head to millions. When he left in 2000 he had a package worth over $20m|twenty
